The Adamant Memory of Vietnam

10 05 2025
Screenshot from Different Sons: Vietnam veterans chant “Peace Now!” en masse in Valley Forge, 1970.

On April 30 the people of Vietnam celebrated fifty years of independence from foreign domination. Reunification Day, they call it — also known as victory in the American War, as it is known in Vietnam, and defeat for the US in what we call the Vietnam War. These days in May the Pentagon is honoring Vietnam veterans, everyone who served between November 1, 1955, and May 15, 1975. Those commemorations edit out the soldiers who played a critical role in the antiwar movement. The soldiers who published underground antiwar papers on hundreds of bases, who manned GI coffeehouses, who engaged in direct action in the US and in Vietnam, who became mutineers, who founded Vietnam Veterans Against the War, and whose protests are powerfully documented in David Zeiger’s film Sir! No Sir! (which Kopkind screened publicly before its general release in 2005).

We remember those men and women here, whose valiant refusal is captured in one three-and-a-half-day action documented in Jack Ofield and Bowling Green Films’ 1971 short Different Sons. It is a moving document, available to the public from the Internet Archive and here by clicking the image above. Seventy-five combat veterans began a ninety-mile march from Morristown, New Jersey, on September 4, 1970. En route to Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, they took secondary roads, walking single file, wearing fatigues and carrying plastic M-16s, stopping for the night on Quaker-owned property, eating C rations or the equivalent. Along the way, they simulated their jobs in Vietnam, brutalizing or killing civilians. They didn’t expect to win converts, one of their leaders told the filmmakers; they hoped to provoke their fellow citizens to think differently, or begin to. The soldiers’ civilian-volunteers could never register the terror of the real thing, but outside post offices in tiny towns not known for antiwar sentiment, the re-enactments must have been shocking. Some bystanders mocked the vets for their long hair and moustaches; one stated they were working on orders from Satan. In the end, the vets, their number steadily enlarged and forming wide rows across the Valley Forge battlefield, chanted, “Peace Now!” ever louder, and broke their plastic rifles over their knees. This was a unique public demonstration, but opposition to the war was not a fringe opinion among troops. By 1971, one colonel remarked, it had “infested the entire armed services”.

The adamant memory of Vietnam goes a way to illuminating this country’s current crises. The story of the war and the Sixties culture of opposition that it stoked have been in the gunsights of the right from that time to today, as witness the machinations of the current regime’s braintrust and hangers on. Within a few years of the defeat in Vietnam, war fantasies were revived in Washington, and with them cold war liberalism as well as an emboldened right. Within a decade, an academic/political project to rewrite the history of the war in line with the views of those mocking bystanders — and, more important, the arms makers, war profiteers and their political satraps — had been established. The backlash that powered Ronald Reagan’s Make America Great had many helpers, including the corporate press and some precincts of the notionally left, reflected in a 1982 New York Times Magazine essay by Irving Howe titled “The Decade That Failed”. The right never forgot, and its project to extirpate every last gain of the Sixties era is the openly stated aim of ‘anti-woke’ crusader Christopher Rufo and his ilk today. Thus, among much else, the erasure of the soldiers’ revolt in marking the end of the Vietnam War.

Fifty years ago Andy Kopkind used the title above in an article for Ramparts about the great documentary Hearts and Minds, by our friend Peter Davis. We did a public screening of that film, too, early on in the so-called War on Terror, launched in 2001. A generation of Americans has grown up now with no memory of 9/11 and its aftermath, much less of Vietnam — no memory of the lies used to justify the invasion of Iraq, the first Shock and Awe, the roundup of US citizens said to be terror symps, the US torture regime and Guantanamo, now used to imprison kidnapped immigrants. No memory of Iraq Veterans Against the War, or the soldiers destroyed by their destruction of other people. Or Reagan’s proxy wars in between; or Obama’s Tuesday meetings to pick assassination targets after. No broad context in which to place the current US terror bombing upon the people of Yemen, or the long complicity with Israel to crush the Palestinians.

“Now, you don’t want to hear about it”, Andy quotes a Vietnam veteran, William Marshall, featured in Hearts and Minds. “I’ll tell you about it every day and make you sit and puke on your dinner, you dig, because you got me over there and now you done brought me back. And you want to forget it so somebody else can go do it somewhere else. Hell no.”

History is a weapon. Andy’s “The Adamant Memory of Vietnam” is reprinted in his collected writing, The Thirty Years’ Wars: Dispatches and Diversions of a Radical Journalist, 1965-1994. His first draft of history, the book provides an indispensable, analytical backstory to our time.





Heart as a Political Principle

1 05 2025
(image: StockCake)

May Day recovers memories, every year, of the origins of International Workers’ Day, sparked by the general strike of 1886 in Chicago — ‘Haymarket’, in short, and the arc of fellow feeling, courage, state violence and global solidarity the name implies. May Day returns us, every year, to our friend Peter Linebaugh’s marvelous book The Incomplete, True, Authentic, and Wonderful History of May Day (PM Press). ‘Marvelous’ is literal here, because the story of human striving for freedom and equality, of the conflict inherent in class consciousness and class struggle, contains marvels, indeed, and Peter, a past Kopkind mentor and speaker, seems to know all of them. “We cannot avoid the ache of history,” he writes; “its grief we feel in the gut.” But also: “We must study the record. It must pass through our heart again.”

For this record, Peter raids the storehouse of cultural artifact and history, including the great book by James Green, Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement, and the Bombing That Divided Gilded Age America (which featured in a public talk at Kopkind many years ago). “The book is trying to put some freedom back into history, telling us that it could have been otherwise”, Peter writes. “We call this human agency. The theory is something like this. It’s human history, we’re humans, history is something we make with our deeds and our words. This is where free will rubs up against determinism.” The history has special resonance these days, in which the ruling class not only plays its standard role, aiming to make everyday people feel small, confused, helplessly divided, but the president elevates the Haymarket period as the time of America’s greatest happiness and general bounty.

So today, a bit of the record from Peter’s telling:

The freight handlers struck, the upholsterers struck, the lumber shovers went on strike. Four hundred seamstresses left work in joyous mood. A storm of strikes swept Chicago, on the first of May 1886. The great refusal, Jim Green calls it. It was a new kind of labor movement that “pulled in immigrants and common laborers.” Irish, Bohemian, German, French, Czech, Scot, English, to name a few. In Socialist Sunday Schools, brass bands, choirs, little theatres, saloons, there was a working-class culture in Chicago. The Chicago Tribune hated it and compared the immigrants to zoological nightmares. It demanded deportation of “ungrateful hyenas” or “slavic wolves” and “wild beasts” and the Bohemian women who “acted like tigresses.” In the spring of 1886 strikes appeared everywhere in industrial centers; called the Great Upheaval, it agitated for shorter hours. Of course they were against the mechanization of labor, against the exploitation of child labor, opposed to the convict lease system of labor, and opposed to contract labor. The anthem of the Knights of Labor was the “Eight-Hour Song”:

We want to feel the sunshine; / We want to smell the flowers; / We’re sure God has willed it. / And we mean to have eight hours. / We’re summoning our forces from / Shipyard, shop and mill; / Eight hours for work, eight hours for rest, / Eight hours for what we will.

Anyone carrying a sign to a protest these days saying ‘Make America Good Again’ (as some have) need to study the record. Any children of long-ago European immigrants, denied the knowledge of their forebears’ battles and bravery, need to study the record. And it is the job of the left to make that record a common knowledge again, “a people’s story,” recovered from the same power-made tombs from which have been unearthed so many peoples’ stories, newly told, as Peter writes “in the people’s language with the people’s future: the opposite of the official story”.

Green tells the story of the strike, of the time, with detail and verve. He tells of the bomb in Haymarket Square, believed to be thrown by police; and the aftermath, a period of police terrorism, of torture, handcuffed justice and hangings. “The day will come when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you are throttling today”, August Spies, a German immigrant and radical newspaper editor, famously declared before his execution. Of the Haymarket Martyrs, Peter writes: “None died from a broken neck, all strangled to death, slowly as it appeared to the witnesses, convulsing and twisting on the rope. That was November 11, 1887. James Green tells us that it was a turning point in American history.” Green also describes the astonishing sweep of workers’ refusals and solidarity. Globally, May Day was born. In the US, the ruling class declared May 1 to be Law Day. Repression was ferocious in this now-named best of all times. History was not finished, though. Nor are its curiosities without relevance today.

The 151-foot Statue of Liberty was dedicated only two weeks before the hangings in Chicago. Inscribed on its pedestal were the words of Emma Lazarus: “Give me your tired, your poor, / Your huddled masses, yearning to breathe free, / The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. / Send these, the homeless, the tempest-tossed, to me: I lift my lamp beside the golden door.”

John Pemberton, a pharmacist, invented a medicine to relieve headaches and alleviate nausea. It combines coca leaves from the Andes with cola nuts from Africa, mixed with water, caramel and sugar: Coca-Cola, the Atlantic remedy for the ills of the barbarism of capitalism. Both William Morris in England and José Martí exiled from Cuba in Manhattan likened the Chicago working class to a cornered animal.

At the same time, Martí, reviewing the rivalries of nationalities, ethnicities and colors among the working classes, wrote that “the common denominator of pain has accelerated the concerted action of all who suffer”. Here, Peter writes, “is heart as a political principle”.

Pablo Neruda, José Martí, even Walt Whitman had a big, hemispheric conception of America: two continents, half the planet, yet united by the German geographer Humboldt’s Afro-America, a big S: New Orleans, Cuba, Venezuela and Brazil. What happens in one part affects the other: sugar, aluminum, gold, bananas, silver, copper, coffee, rum, pot, and coke, yes, they are the products, the commodities, ripped from the bowels of the earth. They’re easier to recognize than the undergrounds of people, whose migrations, sailings, tunneling have preserved the memory of los mártires. José Martí predicted that “the world’s working class will revive them [the martyrs’ memories] every First of May.”

A century later Eduardo Galeano wrote, “That is still not known, but Martí always writes as if hearing, where it is least expected, the cry of a newborn child.”

In Havana in 1887 the anarcho-syndicalists started a newspaper, El Productor, which covered the Haymarket tragedy … May Day was celebrated in Mexico in 1913. From then on Primero de Mayo became a national holiday known as the Day of the Martyrs of Chicago in Italy, France, Spain, Argentina, Cuba, Mexico. In 1903 Teddy Roosevelt signed an immigration law denying entry into the United States of anarchists, paupers, prostitutes, and the insane. Galeano celebrated the marriage of heart and mind. “From the moment we enter school or church, education chops us into pieces: it teaches us to divorce soul from body and mind from heart. The fishermen of the Colombian coast must be learned doctors of ethics and morality, for they invented the word sentipensante, feeling-thinking, to define language that speaks the truth.” … Halfway between the gut and the head lies the heart. The heart and soul of our movement may be found on May Day, and it’s going to take our arms and legs to find them, as well as our brains.

It took fifty-two years just to win the eight-hour day by law. It took a fight against child labor to win free public schools, as Jennifer Berkshire explained in a Kopkind seminar a couple summers ago. It took a civil war, a hundred years of struggle and Bloody Sunday in Selma to win voting rights legislation in 1965 — the same year, as Laura Flanders, another friend and longtime Kopkinder, reminds us, that LBJ also put immigration reform and Medicare on Washington’s agenda pushed by the spirit of the time. As we see, no victory is permanent. The mind and heart for solidarity could be. In this briefest sketch of the incomplete, true, authentic and wonderful history of May Day run threads to be gathered for that kind of sentipensante, that solidarity expressed in a people’s language and acted upon in common. People everywhere want to feel the sunshine and smell the flowers. So, “Take heart! All out for May Day!”





‘You Will Not Erase Us’

20 04 2025
New York, April 19, where protest against disappearances and deportation predominated. (photos: JoAnn Wypijewski)

If there’s a through line to the first months of Trump 2.0 it’s the president’s penchant for trying to disappear his critics, enemies and the fast-multiplying targets of his disdain.

It’s classic authoritarian behavior.

Donald Trump is a dictator at heart, and like all “good” dictators, he relishes the idea that he can banish anyone he thinks could get in his way.

Don’t like brown immigrants? Snatch them off the streets, deport them and do all you can to keep them from coming here in the first place.

Don’t like a free press? Claim, without evidence, that it’s fake, do all you can to muzzle it, and prop up pliant members of the news media — like Fox, Newsmax and One America.

Don’t like the fact that women and minorities have had greater access to job opportunities in recent decades? Attack labor and civil rights laws under the guise that you’re dismantling DEI programs.

Don’t like that historically disenfranchised communities are allowed to vote? Suppress, or block outright, their access to the polls — and if they win elections anyway, falsely claim they cheated and the system can’t be trusted.

Don’t like people with disabilities, Muslims, veterans, the poor, environmentalists, public schools and universities, foreign aid, people of color, park rangers, student loans, scientists, academics, asylum seekers, Social Security and Medicaid, unions, the LGBTQ+ community (especially trans people), public broadcasting, artists, people with AIDS, people with COVID, fluoride, accurate historical accounts, kids who get the measles, or the president and people of Ukraine? (And, no, this is not an exhaustive list.) Do all you can to cripple or shut down federal agencies and illegally slash  congressionally mandated funding that supports these groups and programs.

Why? Because that’s what dictators do. That’s what oligarchs do. That’s what fascists do.

Trump’s goal is as simple as it is dangerous: to erase anyone and anything he considers a threat to his quickly expanding stranglehold on power. But if the reaction to his agenda by a growing and diverse contingent of Americans in the past few weeks is any indication, including by people who voted for him in November, Trump will not erase us.

On April 5, millions of people across 50 states and around the world took to the streets to roundly and courageously condemn the chaos, cruelty and corruption of Trumpism in action. As the Arizona Mirror reported, it was all part of a national day of protest called Hands Off “that saw more than 1,300 events across the country — many in heavily GOP areas that backed Trump by a large margin in the last election.”

“In many locations,” reporter Jerod MacDonald-Evoy wrote, “crowds dwarfed expectations: A march in Washington, DC, saw five times more than the 10,000 that were anticipated, while the New York City protest stretched for nearly 20 blocks and overwhelmed city streets.”

Buffalo, April 5; some of about 4,500 who turned out.

At the protest in Sedona, one of roughly 30 in the Grand Canyon State, Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes told a crowd of nearly 1,000: “We are fighting back with what I call the three Cs: courage, crowds, and the courts.” Mayes has been partnering with other Democratic attorneys general across the country to file a slew of lawsuits challenging Trump’s most egregious executive measures.

Arizona Secretary of State Adrian Fontes told the more than 2,000 people gathered at the Capitol in Phoenix that they embodied the true meaning of the First Amendment: the right to petition the government for a redress of grievances. “Those grievances are growing larger and larger,” Fontes declared.

Alicia Van Driel, part of a “Hands Off” march in Salem, Oregon, said, “I knew Trump was dishonest before he got voted in. I didn’t vote for him, and everybody that has voted for him needs to take a look at what’s really going on.”

Demonstrators in Connecticut, like Jim Chapdelaine, a volunteer with the grassroots group Indivisible, gathered in a cold rain outside the Capitol building in Hartford. “A little rain is not going to stop us from saving democracy,” Chapdelaine told the crowd of between 2,500 and 3,000.

Facing a flood of what judges and legal scholars have labeled as unconstitutional executive orders issued by the president since taking office, millions of us are rising up to defy his naked power grab.

Oblivious to the depth and breadth of the growing resistance movement, Trump is still expecting us all to cower at his feet, fearful that the thugs he’s been ordering to disappear his critics in the immigrant community will come for us next. Or worse, that he’ll call out the troops to silence dissent.

The trouble with dictators, however, is that they always overreach. Blinded by narcissism and enabled by spineless sycophants, autocrats eventually start to believe the self-fabricated myth of their own omnipotence.

In Trump’s case, it’s one thing to be the most powerful man on earth, but quite another to expect that a critical mass of this country’s 330 million citizens are willing to abet their own demise.

No, Donald, you will not erase us.





Soundtrack to a Complicit Silence

28 02 2025

Do you hear that silence?

Soundtrack to a Coup d’État is a phenomenal film—brilliantly crafted.  

Johan Grimonprez unearths truths about the overthrow of Congo’s first prime minister, Patrice Lumumba, that history tried to sever, layering them like an intricate composition where every note matters.  

It is also a warning.  

A warning that is being met with applause instead of action.  

Audiences marvel at the editing, the nonlinear structure, the radical way jazz intertwines with the story of a crime.  

They are impressed, engaged, intellectually stimulated.  

And then—  

they move on.  

The film exists, but the silence remains.  

I do not expect you to fathom the pain of the Congolese people today.  

I do not expect you to stretch your imagination to grasp the inhumane exploitation of land, the abuse of innocent children, children who only wish to rest on their mothers’ bosoms but instead witness them raped, crying, or taking their last breath as gunfire interrupts their small, running feet.  

I do not expect you to feel it.  

But I do expect you to hear it.  

Even as you make me feel crazy for expecting you to hear it.  

(photograph: Julien Hameis)


The sound of UN guards laughing as they dismiss a small but mighty group of Congolese protesters.  

The sound of busy footsteps on First Avenue, people too preoccupied with their routines to pause.  

The sound of a Congolese mother calling a phone that will never ring is making my ears bleed.

The sound of a city cut off from the world, suffocated at the throat, is irregulating my breath.

As if my people’s deaths aren’t the reason you were able to connect with loved ones by Zoom during the pandemic.  

As if our mothers’ rape isn’t the reason you can hear your son, studying abroad, answer your call.  

As if you don’t owe it to us to consider that we, too, want to live and communicate.

But in peace, not at the price of our children.  

And yet, silence.

Not just in Congo, where bombs fall without warning and leave behind echoes of mourning.  

Not just in Bukavu, where rape crushes dignity and joy, this weapon that stings deeper than a fatal degree burn, that shatters entire families in ways no statistics can measure.  

Not just in the villages, where children dig for cobalt with hands too small to even hold their mothers’ thumbs.  

But here, in New York City.  

Where we marched for George Floyd’s breath.  

Where we spoke justice to power through Zoom organizing meetings.

Where we circulated evidence of injustice and said her name: Sandra Bland, Breonna Taylor.  

How is it that our comfort remains uninterrupted even as a genocide unfolds for the sake of the very phones we use to demand justice?  

Break this loud silence!

It is a silence louder than any siren.  

It is a silence that drowns and that kills.  

Filmmaker Grimonprez himself said: 

Le revers de la médaille c’est que pendant que les Belges regardent du jazz à la télévision, un génocide est en train de se produire au Congo oriental.

“The flip side of the coin is that while the Belgians were watching jazz on television, a genocide was taking place in Eastern Congo.”

What has changed?  

Today, you watch a film that maps the violence, that stitches together sound and silence, that tells you what has been done and what is still being done.  

Then you go home, and the war continues.  

People analyze the film’s historical layers, debate its themes, but they are not worrying about the Congolese people still dying.  

I do not need you simply to understand the film.  

I need you to engage with what it demands of you.  

Not just to be awed by its craft but to recognize that it is not just a film.

And who am I? Why should you care? I am a Congolese artist and filmmaker terrified by the idea that what we create is just for vibes. We, the Congolese people, need you to say our names, say that we too matter, if not because you believe it then because without us and the existence of our home, our minerals, our labor, you wouldn’t have most of what you think is more important than us.

Here is a document of a war that never ended.  

Here is a call to action, not a closing statement.  

You cannot treat it as an intellectual exercise while remaining silent in the face of the very horrors it exposes.  

To do so is to play into the very system it critiques.  

To do so is to watch history unfold and decide to let it repeat.  

(photograph: Soundtrack to a Coup d’Etat still)

Maybe 1885—King Leopold’s curse, backed by the Western world’s infamous Congo Club—feels too far removed for you. 

Maybe 1961—Patrice Lumumba’s last day, engineered by the same Club one year after we dared to claim independence—feels too far removed.

So let’s focus on last week.  

At least 3,000 dead.

One of them was my cousin.  

He was home when the bomb fell.  

My mother spoke to him on Sunday, January 26.  

Then silence.  

For two days, she called his phone, hoping, praying it was just the internet shutdown.  

That it was nothing more than a power outage.  

That the rebels had only cut the networks.  

That he was safe.  

But he wasn’t.  

A call came.  

And the silence was no longer just a silence.  

It was the end of his life on earth confirmed. 

A city cut off from the world.  

Goma thrown into digital darkness.  

No news could leave.  

No messages could arrive.  

While my cousin was dying, while hundreds of others were being slaughtered, the Congolese people were held hostage inside their own grief unable to call for help. 

Unable to say goodbye.  

Unable to tell their own stories.  

And the world moves on.  

Unworried.  

Uninterrupted.  

Not because the killings have stopped.  

Not because the war is over.  

But because the silence is effective.  

Because silence echoes, far and wide.  

What does silence do?  

It makes you believe nothing is happening.  

It makes you believe that history is history.  

That colonialism is past tense.  

That six million bodies, and just since 1998, are not stacked beneath the global economy.  

But history is not past.

(photograph: Pieter Boersma)

Imperialism has not ended.  

It has only evolved.  

Found new words, new weapons, new justifications.  

My people have died for rubber, for gold, for diamonds, for uranium.  

Now we are dying for cobalt, for lithium.

For the devices you cannot live without.  

I am not even asking you to get loud.  

I am asking you to turn up the volume.

Because right now—

right now, the radio is off.  

Right now, the world is enabling thousands of deaths for profit.  

And I do not need everyone to march.  

I do not need everyone to scream.  

But I do need something.  

I will take a whisper over nothing.  

Because right now, I hear the outcry of Congolese people, but from everyone else—  

not even whispering.  

Africa, United States of Africa, please whisper.  

Please say something. Spirit of Lumumba, please come awaken the zeal of unity in us.

Western allies, please say something to your leaders.  

I will take one hour of your time.

I do not need a world full of people shouting.  

But I do need a world where people are at least speaking.

Where people are doing.  

If you have breath in your lungs,  

if you have power in your voice,  

then use it.  

Not just in admiration of a film.  

Not just in academic debate.  

Not just in passive acknowledgment of history.  

Because silence is not passive.  

Silence is not neutral.  

Silence is a weapon.  

And if you continue to wield it—

then you are choosing the side of those who kill us.  

Maliyamungu Muhande is a Congolese artist and filmmaker based in New York. For ongoing reports and analysis on Congo, she recommends the work of Kambale Musavuli; for action updates and information, Friends of the Congo; for grassroots support, Focus Congo.





Wishes at Winter Solstice

21 12 2024
Charles Burchfield, Orion in Winter, courtesy Burchfield Penney Art Center. Provenance: Museo Nacional Thyssen-Bornemisza, Madrid

On the shortest day, and the longest night, in a period of transition as the cosmic clock turns, we wish you all some beauty, hope and reflection, even amidst what can seem, what often is, a forbidding landscape. The American artist Charles Burchfield, who spent most of his life working in Western New York, was a remarkable observer, an exuberant lover of the small changes, secrets and outright wonders of the natural world. He also wrote short verses, kept journals and otherwise recorded things seen and felt. In one entry from the start of 1915 which he titled ‘Winter Solstice’, he wrote, “I can nearly always, if I can a field, find some dandelions in December. Once I found them on New Years Day. I think of December as a leafless landscape, white sunlight, misty distances, & dandelions hugging the lichen-like turf.” In his paintings and watercolors of spring and early summer these once-sleepy dandelions arise in splendrous poofs, ready to float and spread fresh seeds, new life. (Oh so much more desirable in his pictures, and in imagination, than in one’s garden!)

This winter, this season, in 2025, may we all imagine possibilities worthy of nature, and find a way to be the face of love and hope in the world.

Kopkind’s annual newsletter, ‘Sniffing the Zeitgeist’, is on its way, soon to arrive in the physical mailboxes of many of you. It recounts some scenes from our summer sessions, quotes some thoughts for the future from a number of Kopkind alums — ‘campers’ and guests — as well as from some liberationist heroes in the never-finished work of making a better world.

At the close of this year and the beginning of another, here’s one fitting for the season and all time, from James Baldwin: ‘I can’t be a pessimist because I am alive. To be a pessimist means that you have agreed that human life is an academic matter. So, I am forced to be an optimist.’ May we choose this kind of optimism and act on it going forward.

From all at Kopkind, may you find joy in this holiday season! We thank you for your support and friendship, and welcome contributions. Kopkind is a 501(c)(3) educational and cultural project; all contributions are tax-exempt to the full extent allowable by law. The newsletter is accompanied by a return envelope for anyone who may wish to make a year-end donation by check. For online gifts, press the Donate button at the top of this site.





Gratitude

1 12 2024
View from Tree Frog Farm (photo: JoAnn Wypijewski)

A red sun at night, meteorologists say, signals high pressure and pleasant days ahead. ‘Red sky at night a sailor’s delight’ and all that. That red sun from the vista where Kopkind convenes signifies pressure, for sure; as for pleasant weather, sociopolitically speaking, that’s something that people have always had to imagine and strive to realize.

Kopkind’s summer project turned 25 this year. Twenty-five years of bringing together left journalists, activists and filmmakers, and providing a space for people to ‘dream, dream big’, as one of our participants once said; to analyze the contemporary situation, learn together, think together, imagine paths forward and strategies to get there. And, along the way, to breathe, to recharge. To take pleasure in the good that life, nature, art and camaraderie have to offer. To remember history, its numberless named and unnamed people who have always had to fight, who faced times far harder than ours and sought to make a world fit to live in.

At Kopkind we’re grateful to everyone who has contributed to this project over the years with their time, their ideas, their donations, their words and images, knowledge and experience, their force of personality and generosity of spirit, their physical labor, their challenging questions, their social memory, their ability to create moments of profound collective insight and joy. We all will need such gifts — and spaces to share them and more — going forward. It’s not going to be an easy time. It never has been easy. And the pressures aren’t just national and global; they’re on us individually and organizationally.

So here comes the money part. Whether Giving Tuesday or Giving Anyday, this project needs you. Please help Kopkind continue to help the organizers, the writers, the mediamakers and sensemakers, the researchers, the artists, the thinkers and doers, defenders and troublemakers, workers all, as we strive with others for that better day. Thank you, with urgency and commitment.

We leave you here with one more picture because, when words aren’t fully adequate, nature reminds us that even as night bears down, there will be light.

From Tree Frog Farm, another time (photo: Mac Christopher)




Ann Bennett, in Memory

23 11 2024

We first met filmmaker Ann Bennett in the summer of 2009. She had a formidable body of work by then, having been involved in the making of Citizen King, the Emmy-winning Hymn for Alvin Ailey, the mini-series Africans in America and America’s War on Poverty, all for PBS. She came to film camp, Kopkind’s partnership with the Center for Independent Documentary, with a project she was co-producing about photography in Afro-American life. In a sunny morning seminar she laid out her own mind-picture of moments preserved in numerous private snapshots and professional photographs, all of them accumulated in a documentary album, telling a story of a people whose histories were often undocumented and unparticularized when they weren’t caricatured. As she spoke, it was as if the images were spread out on the table before us, the memorialized individual instances of black people seen through black eyes, revealing something about collective experience that had been long obscured.

Ann was born on March 16, 1963, in Baltimore. She died at 61, on November 15, 2024, in New York. An obituary page photo gallery of her public life evokes that summer memory: pictures of her with collaborators and friends, of her alone (as in the uncredited image above, which sure looks to be set during the golden hour at Tree Frog Farm), the array reflecting the qualities that people who loved and admired her would try to put into words. Ann was wise, generous, a mentor to younger filmmakers and women in tech, a person who thrived in collaboration with others, a woman who was dedicated, who sparked one to think afresh, whose smile was pure sunshine, who exuded joyfulness, even when in considerable pain.

The next time Ann came to film camp, in 2018, her health problems were evident; her passion and radiance, undimmed. Through a Lens Darkly: Black Photographers and the Emergence of a People, directed by Thomas Allen Harris, had come out in 2014 to much acclaim. A community engagement project, which we had been invited to imagine with her in that long-ago summer, had taken off in multimedia roadshows called Digital Diaspora Family Reunion, with audiences exploring the role of photography in the contest between “self-affirmation and negation,” and celebrating a common humanity. She came to the film workshop again the next year, 2019, bringing a work in progress she was co-producing about the battle between public housing residents in Miami’s Liberty City and a combine of government officials and real estate interests determined to drive them from their home. She brought the film’s director, Katja Esson, who had to leave suddenly one day, upon learning that bulldozers were moving again on the storied black inland neighborhood — high ground, now called a potential “goldmine” by speculators foreseeing the fate of beachfront as the oceans rise.

Razing Liberty Square aired as part of the PBS Independent Lens series this past January. The public housing project, which readers might recall as a key location in Barry Jenkins’ great film Moonlight, is gone. The developers, who had assured residents of their right of return to bright new buildings, broke their promises. They also tried to stop the documentary from being aired. The film is the record of an assault on a community, and a vehicle for ongoing popular resistance. It has a continuing life in discussions on confronting climate gentrification; in organizing against further displacement, and understanding, across the country, the mesh of climate, race, class and housing justice; in agitation by those who’ve been disbursed and those still living in Liberty City to restitch their community. “Please don’t give up,” Samantha Kenley, one of documentary’s main characters, said at a public meeting in March. “Please do what y’all need to do because if we shut up, nothing is going to happen.”

Ann’s work succeeds her.

Desireena Almoradie, who was part of the film camp cohort in 2018 and who conveyed the sad news of Ann’s death, writes, “I first met her at Kopkind, and our connection grew to a deep friendship that included her consulting on my film, and me bringing breakfast to her every morning when she was in physical therapy rehab a few blocks from my home. Ann was generous, kind, and always happy to share her knowledge, her information about filmmaker opportunities, and her deep well of loving kindness. She urged us to do our thing and make a difference.”





A Motto for Our Time From Audre Lorde

15 11 2024




  … We Get Up Again

14 11 2024

November 14:  Things already bad are about to get worse. The government-in-waiting is swiftly taking shape as a den of punishers, fraudsters, mercenary-symps, crypto freaks, opportunists and fascists-by-whatever-name. As a first order of business, the future ‘border czar’ declared, undocumented immigrants have every reason to be afraid. So do protesters, leftists, ‘vermin’, we have been told repeatedly. Fear is the point. We need clarity now, and courage. ‘Are we going to be okay?’ a liberal interviewer asked writer and Kopkinder Jeff Sharlet the other day. ’No’, Jeff said. ’Some people will not make it. There will be losses.’

November 14:  The ‘we’ is the question. ‘An injury to one is an injury to all’, the International Workers of the World affirmed. ‘Don’t mourn; organize’, Joe Hill said before he died. History has been one bloody thing after another, and the old lines still serve as practical, not romantic, guides. ‘In politics, no matter how bad the situation, there is always something to do’, the writer and veteran of decades of struggles Frank Bardacke, also a Kopkinder, remarked the other day. ‘You just have to find the other people to do it with.’  We have heard from our alums who are talking with others about mutual aid, survival projects, defense projects. It’s early days. We have had conversations with some of our people who say, Yes, but I still see that long game, building the left, building for a future, for humanity. 

November 14:  John Scagliotti, Kopkind’s co-founder, administrator and animating spirit, was born on this day 76 years ago. Humanity got a gift that day. A gay man, an anti-imperialist, a human liberationist and independent media pioneer, John is attentive to history. ‘We’ve always had to fight’, he says. He’s right. His life and work evince that. The same is true for Kopkind, which across 25 years has encouraged, connected, sparked hundreds of people in struggle, people with long memories or fresh hopes that another world is possible. 

So today we say Happy birthday, John. We salute you, with love and gratitude. We remember those whose trials and resistance you preserved for us on film.

And salutations to everyone who’s working to find a way. To anyone who’s able, we will gratefully accept a contribution to Kopkind in honor of John, his work and inspiration, and all the work we have to do together going forward. (Click the Donate button on the banner at the top.)





‘The Blues Society’: Movie Night at Tree Frog, 8/10, 7:30 pm

1 08 2024

Film camp, a seminar/retreat collaboration between Kopkind and the Center for Independent Documentary (CID), begins on August 4, gathering documentary filmmakers from around the country to workshop their films-in-progress and refresh themselves for the work ahead.

Capping this year’s session, we are proud to present a wonderful new documentary, “The Blues Society”, by Augusta Palmer, on Saturday, August 10, at 7:30 pm, at Tree Frog Farm, 158 Kopkind Road in Guilford. This is a free public event.

Augusta, who will be on hand for the screening and discussion after, was at film camp a couple of years ago, workshopping this film, which tells the origin story of the first Memphis Country Blues Festival. It was 1969. In Memphis, a city with one of the richest musical histories of anyplace in the world, blues masters and beatniks created a festival that rocked the foundations of conservative America. Segregation may have been out by law but not in fact, and the violence that enforced it has never been legislateable. “The Blues Society” weaves hypnotic musical performances with animation, archival images and a chorus of voices to create a moving image mixtape that both celebrates the music and its makers and documents an era.

“There is always a disconnect in the deep context of the music, which is violence and pain and hurt”, one of Augusta’s interviewees says in the film. And still there is the sound, the musicians, the genius and their glorious legacy.

Please join us on August 10 for what promises to be a terrific evening.